The Sudanese aren’t enemies of the people of South Sudan… except for those (1 – 2)
Atem Garang Dekuek

The people of South Sudan and North Sudan have long, intertwined, and complex historical relations, marked by tension, violence, oppression, and unjustified cruelty on Sudan’s part. Therefore, these relations were rarely mutually beneficial due to the imbalance of power following the entry of Turkish-Egyptian rule in (1821) in favor of Northern Sudan.
These relations are ancient and deeply rooted; they date back to a time prior to the Sudanese Christian States, through the Sudanese Islamic kingdoms and the Turkish-Egyptian slave rule, and up to (2011).
During this period and successive eras, the people of Sudan —in solidarity with their colonizers— exercised military and cultural hegemony to the point of cultural alienation, which -naturally- led many people from South Sudan to take things at face value and make their judgments accordingly (from the perspective of their colonizers) in regards to the political, social, economic, and cultural events in addition to the interactions taking place between these neighboring nations.
Amongst the deceptive and misleading notions of this cultural alienation is the illusion some people hold, believing that there is “one nation in two countries.” This particular view is inconsistent with historical facts and is deplored by many of the history-conscious people of South Sudan. They describe such a view as demagogic in its approach and dishonest in its intent. Rather, it reflects the depth of cultural alienation among those who advocate this notion. Moreover, and to further deepen the deception, they call the wars of liberation and national emancipation in South Sudan “Civil Wars.”
If you were to ask any of the alienated people how they view the objectives of the Arab presence in South Sudan for nearly two centuries, which ended in (2011), you wouldn’t find them courageous enough to state that the goal of the Arab presence was to implement “coercive Arab occupation” and “exploitative Arab colonialism.” Such words are taboos in their association with the concepts of alienation, unthinkable to the alienated people. As they find support from those who have culturally alienated them, who denounce the ideas of those resisting alienation and others who are subjected to humiliating descriptions and epithets. The aforementioned is merely a means of instilling alienation, such as the use of hateful and oppressive terms, as well as the hatred of Arabs and Islam, a psychological weapon used to deepen the inferiority complex.
Additionally, we don’t perceive any difficulties in determining the nature of the relationship that linked northern Sudanese with the Turkish-Egyptian rule. Everyone agrees that this era was “colonial,” despite the shared religion, language, history, past, emotions, and destiny that bind Egypt and northern Sudan together.
The Mahdist State was a national State for the northern Sudanese, while for the people of South Sudan, there was no difference between that State and its predecessor, because the period of their existence was characterized by the slave trade and hunting the people of southern Sudan with the intention of sale, like any other market commodity.
Similarly, we tend to find it easy to define and name the historical relationship that prevailed between the northern Sudanese and the Anglo-Egyptian condominium, as one of colonizer and colonized.
However, the Arab alienation of some southern Sudanese citizens is evident in their inability to define the relationship of Arab Sudanese domination over the people of southern Sudan during the period of Arab-Islamic rule from (1956 to 2011)!
This marks the beginning of intellectual alienation, as it becomes apparent, manifesting in the inability and shame embedded in people’s minds, such that they cannot find a clear definition for this relationship, stained with the blood of the people of South Sudan.
From (1955 to 2005), the governments of Arab-Islamic Sudan imposed devastating wars on southern Sudan, during which more than two million southern Sudanese were killed. Despite this devastation, South Sudan achieved independence in (2011).
The Arab-Islamic Sudan remained, however, the possibility of war advancing from Sudan’s remote borders and one day igniting in the headquarters of war and destruction savants in Khartoum and Wad Medani never crossed the minds of Sudanese politicians and power-mongers. Inevitably, fate turned against them, and a devastating war erupted, although it didn’t amount to even a quarter of the violence, killing, rape, displacement, looting, and destruction that occurred in South Sudan.
This Khartoumian war has caused psychological, intellectual, and even ideological shock among the Sudanese bloodsuckers, prompting them to search for the source of their curse: Is it from the accursed devil? Or from the evils of West Africa? Or, perhaps, from the people of South Sudan (the spiteful, drunken, infidels)?
Today, a number of Sudanese are fiercely attacking the people of South Sudan for a war they had no involvement in its ignition or commencement. They failed to specify what sparked their war, and therefore, sometimes they blame the Arab diaspora in West Africa, sometimes the (UAE), and now South Sudan. Through their shouting, writings, and focus on South Sudan, they launch shameful, vulgar, and false epithets, descriptions, and insults against the people of South Sudan in a war -in which- we have no stake.
One wonders in astonishment about the reason for this wicked howling, unjust hatred, raging injustice, and seething anger, in addition to this systematic campaign, who is planning it? Who is responsible? In order to clarify and identify the Sudanese groups whose elites are respectable for this criminal media campaign, which has identified South Sudan as its enemy, through analysis and my intimate knowledge of the people of Sudan, I have concluded the following:
The vast majority of the Sudanese people have no doubt that the people of South Sudan aren’t Sudan’s enemy, despite their history of bloodshed and oppression! However, there are specific groups of Sudanese who fabricate lies and hatreds of their own making. These writers are distributed amongst the following Sudanese social classes:
1. The Sudanese Army and Modern Jihadism:
Elements of this institution harbor a deep-seated hatred rooted in their historical roots and work tirelessly to undermine the State of South Sudan. This institution is the legitimate offspring of the military doctrine of British colonialism in Sudan (1898 – 1955); the social heir to the culture of jihadism in the Mahdist State (1885 – 1898); and the bearer of the vile morals of the Bazinqur and bash-buzuq, the slave hunters of the period of Turkish-Egyptian rule (1821-1885).
(The Bazinqur was a military force composed of slaves, the slave traders’ army; the bash-buzuq was a military force also composed of slaves, part of the government army. When the Mahdist State was established, elements of these two forces, in addition to new slaves, formed a military force known as Jihadist.)
The Military Institution is the faithful incubator of the legacies of the plundering armies of the Sudanese Islamic kingdoms (1504 – 1821). The Military Institution is the largest factor in Sudan’s backwardness. It is the institution that has recently supported the classification of Sudanese citizens based on race, complexion, religion, and language, throughout its rule of Sudan from (1958 – 1964), (1969 – 1985), (1989 – 2019), and (2022), up until today.
The educated elements of this establishment and its militias are amongst those attacking South Sudan and working to create chaos and instability in South Sudan through violence, war, and destruction.
The Sudanese Military Institution is the Sudanese group most devoid of religious principles, as it doesn’t believe in human values. It is characterized by fabrications, hypocrisy, cruelty, and hatred of the people of South Sudan. The wars waged by this establishment in South Sudan have spanned nearly four decades, during which the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) hasn’t kept a single prisoner of war alive, not even a wounded Anyanya or SPLA fighter.
To be Continued…