On the road to emancipation from Egyptian hegemony (1-20)

“A man can’t ride your back unless it’s bent.”

~Martin Luther King

An Introduction

The war currently taking place in Sudan, although confined according to the Sudanese media and public opinion to being a war between the so-called Islamic Movement and its various arms, headed by the militia called “the Army,” and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF); is -in my humble opinion- a different story. I believe this war conceals much more than the reflected false diagnosis that overwhelmed its reality.

This war is originally between the Sudanese people who want to correct the course of their stolen independence, and the ruling Egyptian establishment that wishes to continue extending its dominance over Sudan. The latest war didn’t begin on (April 15th, 2023), but rather began the moment when ousted President Omar Al-Bashir was removed from power on (April 11th, 2019).

The Egyptian regime, which was the first to welcome Al-Turabi/Al-Bashir coup in (1989), was the Arab regime most affected by the overthrow of the bloody, corrupt Al-Turabi/Al-Bashir regime. During the period extending from (1989 to 2018), the Egyptian regime was able to tame the so-called Islamic Movement in Sudan, placing it completely under its control. The Egyptian regime exploited the Sudanese regime’s involvement in the attempted assassination of former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak in Addis Ababa in (1995) to cut off the Hala’ib Triangle from Sudan. It then contributed to imposing international sanctions on Sudan and guarding those sanctions in international forums.

In April (2017), less than two years prior to the fall of the Islamist regime in Sudan, Foreign Minister Ibrahim Ghandour described the Egyptian position in support of extending the duration of the sanctions imposed on Sudan since (2005), under Resolution (1591), as: “An abnormal and strange position, demanded by the Egyptian Deputy Representative to the United Nations, in the UN Security Council.”
(See El-Nilein website at the link: https://shorturl.at/LgZY9).

In general, the Egyptian regime continued with the process of taming the Sudanese Islamists, until it obtained their complete submission, reaching an unprecedented level during the rule of Lt. Gen. Al-Burhan and the current Islamic Movement. Throughout this period of diplomatic blackmail, the Egyptian regime obtained -in addition to occupying the Hala’ib Triangle- vast areas of agricultural land in Sudan. Moreover, the Egyptian regime convinced its Sudanese counterpart to support it in regards to the Nile waters issue. Most importantly, it opened the Sudanese borders so that Egypt could plunder as much of Sudan’s resources as it wanted.

The Egyptian regime remained silent after President Omar al-Bashir was removed from power. At a time when Arab and international media flocked to Sudan to cover the sit-in in front of the Military’s General Command Headquarters that captivated the world, the Egyptian media was absent, and the Egyptian regime maintained it silence.

While the African Union and Ethiopian President Abiy Ahmed were engaged in reconciling the forces of the revolution and the military, so that the Constitutional Declaration could be signed and the transitional period leading to democratic transformation could begin, the Egyptian regime was busy preparing plans to crush the revolution in alliance with Lt. Gen. Abdel Fattah Al-Burhan, who had no intention of handing over power to civilians and allowing a democratic regime to be established after the transitional period.

Indeed, the chapters of the Egyptian plan to destroy the revolution have begun to unfold, following the massacre when the sit-in in front of the Military’s General Command Headquarters was dispersed on (June 3rd, 2019), and until today.

This war, through its repercussions, has placed us at a decisive historical turning point: Either we proceed with this revolution towards regaining our stolen independence by the Egyptians and their Sudanese collaborators from within, or we remain puppets under the historical Egyptian hegemony, in a more severe manner than ever before, and for a very long period in the future.

Our Historical Mistakes

This destructive war and what we are experiencing at the moment are the consequences of our accumulated mistakes – since the dawn of independence. The political elites that managed the independence movement were unable to achieve real independence that would dismantle the Egyptian colonial legacy. Egypt left Sudan just as England left. However, Egypt left behind an army of Sudanese who are Egyptianized in identity and culture.

This particular matter is an aspect that Egypt has invested in since the Khedive’s invasion of Sudan in (1821). When the national rule began following the dawn of independence, the call for political Islam, with Egyptian roots, emerged in Sudan. The two major sects, the Ansar and Khatmiyya sects along with their two major parties, soon submitted to the political blackmail practiced on them by the Islamic Charter Front, utilizing false religious slogans raised by Dr. Hassan al-Turabi after the (October 1964) revolution.

The two sects along with their parties saw fit to follow Dr. Al-Turabi’s beliefs, calling for the implementation of Sharia Law, fearing that Dr. Al-Turabi would steal their popular religious support. Instead of confronting him and exposing the falsity of his slogans, as Professor Mahmoud Mohammed Taha did at the time, they supported him and followed his path. The biggest manifestation of the response to Dr. Al-Turabi’s blackmail of the two sects with Islamic slogans was their support of his conspiracy to dissolve the Sudanese Communist Party (SCP) in (1965). These events took place only one year after the revolution. The same year witnessed the general elections in which the Sudanese Communist Party managed to win (11) seats in Parliament (the Constituent Assembly), while the Islamic Charter Front, led by Hassan Al-Turabi, only won (3) seats.

The popularity that the Communist Party enjoyed in the (1965) elections disturbed Al-Kizan and the sectarian forces. Therefore, a conspiracy was formed to dissolve the Sudanese Communist Party in the same year. In order for this to be possible, it was necessary to amend the article on basic freedoms in the constitution. Indeed, the article was amended and the Communist Party representatives were expelled from Parliament, despite the popular support that granted them their positions after free elections. Moreover, the majority of the Sudanese Communist Party representatives came from the graduate constituencies, designated for the educated.

Following the dissolution of the Communist Party, the two parties, and behind them the Islamic Charter Front, began writing what was called the “Islamic Constitution,” until they reached the second reading stage. This “unconstitutional” constitution was about to be approved, had it not been aborted by the (May 1969) coup. Because Professor Mahmoud Mohammed Taha opposed this development at the time, and launched a strong campaign to expose and strip it bare in public forums, the reaction of the Salafi groups supporting Dr. Al-Turabi’s Party was to exploit the Sharia judges to try him and convict him on charges of apostasy on (November 18th, 1968).

The two major parties’ response to this strange ruling was utter silence, which indicated their subliminal blessing of the events taking place. In my opinion, this was the turning point, in which the voice of religious fanaticism and demagoguery was louder than the constitution, basic human rights, the gains of modernity, and the authority of knowledge. Since then, religious and populist fanaticism and demagoguery have grown, and awareness of the constitution, democracy and basic human rights no longer had any chance of progress.

Deviating from the Right Path

It was a grave strategic mistake made by the two sects and their two major parties, following the (October 1964) Revolution. The consequences of that mistake, represented in submitting to the Islamists’ blackmail, utilizing religious discourse, which continued for decades, eventually led to the Islamists’ control of the country’s politics. The two sects granted Dr. Hassan Al-Turabi the opportunity to dig under their feet, with great perseverance, until he managed to carry out his coup against them and against democracy in (June 1989).

Strangely enough, Al-Turabi carried out his coup at a time when his group’s electoral weight had increased from (3) seats in Parliament in the (1965) elections to (53) seats in the (1986) elections. The adoption of Dr. Hassan Al-Turabi’s agenda by the two major parties at several turns, their keenness to court his favor, to even form an alliance with him, as well as their lack of awareness of the imminent danger he represented, led these two parties, along with the entire country, to pay a very high price.

It was a great oversight that made these two major parties refrain from confronting him intellectually when his star rose, and power was in their hands. Instead, they chose to deal with him by practicing short-sighted tactical games. It became clear -rather quickly- in practice that Dr. Al-Turabi was more adept at that approach than they ever were.

In conclusion, what we’re experiencing at the moment is the result of a long series of mistakes that formed, in sum, the structure of political practice in Sudan, characterized by shortsightedness, utilitarianism, and lack of concern for principles and sound strategic planning. Hence, there is no fundamental difference between those who have continued to stand with the revolution now, since (December 2018), and those who have continued to work day and night to stifle it.

The lack of a strategic vision, immersion in maneuvers and tactics, and focus on immediate gain, is what has continued to dominate the Sudanese political forces’ drive. The behavior of the Forces of Freedom and Change – Central Council (FFC-CC) during the transitional period has demonstrated this approach. Indeed, the situation remains the same, even after the (FFC-CC) transformed into its new image called the “Coordination-body of the Democratic and Civil Forces (Tagadom)”, which split in the past few days, with what remained of it adopting the title of (Sumoud)..

As for Dr. Al-Turabi’s group, the tactic based on political schemes, along with the practice of deception and blackmail utilizing religious slogans was its constant and unchanging habit. Which isn’t surprising, as the group is originally based on a fascist religious idea, in which the goal justifies every possible means, no matter how brutal and bloody it is, and no matter how shocking it is to common sense. Moreover, no matter how contradictory it is to the religious values ​​themselves, which the group claims to foster and defend.

We don’t necessarily need to mention the atrocities that were taking place in South Sudan, in the ghost houses, what continued to happen in Darfur since (2003), In addition to what happened in the massacre of the sit-in dispersal, the snipers targeting young men and women with rifles in this revolution. As well as what was practiced in terms of running over the revolutionaries with Security and Police vehicles in the streets of Khartoum. Moreover, we don’t necessarily need to reference what was witnessed during this war of horrific field executions of many, beheadings, cutting open stomachs, and evisceration of entrails under the pretext that the victims were cooperating with the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). In addition to the daily aerial bombardment that was limited to targeting defenseless civilians, the despicable and treacherous liquidations that have previously extended to encompass their own personnel, over the past thirty years, during which they ruled the country with an iron fist.

The Harvest of Straws

What we are currently experiencing is the harvest of straws for the aforementioned series of grave strategic mistakes. I would take this moment to state that; Every development that has been taking place since the dawn of independence, and up to this day, in addition to what it has led to in terms of raising the voice of backward religious discourse, religious obsession, the horrific decline in the rule of law, shocking and unbridled savagery, chaos, the collapse of the State, as well as the absence of the most basic elements of personal security, represents, in its entirety, a dark, shabby, and gloomy era, devoid of any significant achievement.

Rather, that era was crowded with every chaotic, barbaric, and heinous aspect. All of which has led us to the current catastrophe of the devastating war that has managed to displace us in an unprecedented manner. It has surrounded us with the specter of death hovering over people’s heads every waking moment, and with poverty, hunger, and a limited horizon, which has pushed us all to the brink of despair.

I don’t believe I am exaggerating when I say: There is nothing in this era, which has extended from the dawn of independence to this day, that is suitable for us to take into our future. If we take a closer look, for example, at the camp of politicians and intellectuals who stand with the revolution, we find it full of a number of individuals who have been marked by utilitarian political practices, evident in the fact that a considerable number of intellectual, cultural and political figures have been in service of the Egyptian colonial agenda, of their own accord.

This shabby post-independence era began with the well-known historical division between the “federal brothers” on the one hand and the “independenceists” on the other. And that era is ending today, as we’re witnessing some of those who were “independenceists” become “brothers”. Indeed, they are comfortable with this transformation, despite the events they can blatantly witness in this accursed war, in which the Egyptian regime plays the most malicious and heinous roles.

(To be Continued)